The Anzac Myth 鈥 Australia鈥檚 most powerful brand

April 12, 2019
Issue 

Consuming Anzac: The History of Australia鈥檚 Most Powerful Brand
Jo Hawkins
University of Western Australia Publishing, 2018
173 pages

It can be hard to give a monkey鈥檚 if forced to choose between the obligatory, sombre commemoration of war and the grubby commercial profit-making from it. Consuming Anzac, by University of Western Australia academic Dr Jo Hawkins, shows that this is the unsavoury choice on offer to those who feel that neither war nor consumer capitalism have all that much going for them.

Australia鈥檚 secular worship of war is centred on Anzac Day, that endlessly hyped day of patriotic-militarist sentiment. It was the day the not-long-federated country had its 鈥渕artial baptism鈥 as a 鈥渢rue nation鈥 when thousands of its soldiers were butchered (or, in the authorised version, 鈥渆ngaged in heroic self-sacrifice鈥) during the failed World War I invasion of the Gallipoli Peninsula in Turkey, on April 25, 1915.

Australia鈥檚 capitalists were quick to see the tremendous marketing potential of Anzac Day by aligning their consumer brand with the officially revered military brand of Anzac. As early as 1916, the 鈥渃ommercial appeal鈥 of the word 鈥淎nzac鈥 was being used to flog various foodstuffs, beverages, soaps, toys, all sorts of apparel, Rexona healing ointment (tested in the trenches!), watches, matches, jewellery, caf茅s and restaurants.

鈥淪acrilege鈥, declared the wartime government as it promptly passed a law against the practice of appropriating the word 鈥淎nzac鈥 for commercial purposes. For many decades, the community guardians of the Anzac tradition, the Returned Servicemen鈥檚 League (RSL), would dob in offenders to the government for prosecution or public shaming.

It wasn鈥檛 until an increasingly unpopular Vietnam War had begun to marginalise the conservative RSL and its precious Anzac tradition that the RSL was forced to relax its stern hold over a commerce-free Anzac Day. The up-side for the RSL was that its shrinking coffers would be replenished by extracting a tithe on approved commercial activity.

An added bonus was that the public legitimacy of war in general could be rekindled.

A mutually beneficial symbiosis between commerce and commemoration gathered pace from the 1990s, with a range of lucrative, RSL-approved, and government-blessed, Anzac-branded cultural commodities.

Books led the way 鈥 in 2003, for example, Australians bought 130 million books on Anzac, most of them 鈥減olitically anaesthetising鈥 tomes, 鈥渃elebratory page-turners鈥 that sentimentally acclaimed 鈥渢he triumph of the human spirit鈥 against extreme adversity.

These were essentially redemptive 鈥淢isery Lit鈥 stories that did not deepen the reader鈥檚 historical understanding of the war and its structural geo-political-economic drivers.

Mass market tourist operators and associated merchandise peddlers were also earning coin as tens of thousands of young Australian and New Zealander backpackers annually trek to the sacred site of Gallipoli for a mystical Dawn Service. The search for nationalist epiphany is accompanied by the sale of (made-in-China) tourist tat and the opportunity for the 鈥渨ar pilgrims鈥 to cross off yet another destination from the backpacker鈥檚 鈥淭o Do鈥 list, up there with 鈥渂ull running in Pamplona or the Munich Oktoberfest鈥.

Modern sporting/entertainment corporate behemoths (the AFL, rugby league and rugby union) are some of the prominent heads of the capitalist Hydra that find war profiteering during peacetime to be richly remunerative.

The AFL鈥檚 annual 鈥淎nzac Day Clash鈥 between Essendon and Collingwood includes an official RSL commemorative pre-match extravaganza, while the whole fixture is saturated with military symbolism and ritual. The event has since expanded to involve all clubs in an AFL 鈥淎nzac Day Round鈥, further boosting income for the AFL and, for the RSL, a cut from the weekend鈥檚 takings.

This is a far cry from the past, more 鈥減urist鈥, era when it was illegal to play or watch sport, or even train, on Anzac Day. It is even more distant from World War I itself, when the largely middle class (and Protestant) Essendon was one of six clubs to not play football during the war. The working class (and largely Catholic) Collingwood, however, was one of the four that kept on playing.

Since corporate sameness has ridden roughshod over grassroots tradition and sociological diversity, however, the more socially homogenised professional football clubs of today lend a more pronounced 鈥渘ational unity鈥 theme to the pro-war 鈥減olitics of remembrance鈥 as enacted on the football field. This has played a significant role in normalising war as a core part of Australian nationalism.

Other corporates to enrol in the RSL-licensed Anzac ranks have included biscuit-makers (Unibic produces the humble 鈥淎nzac Biscuit鈥), telecommunications companies (discounted Telstra call rates on Anzac Day), McDonald鈥檚, Crown Casino, airlines (Qantas and Virgin Blue discount flights), and beer-makers (Carlton & United Breweries鈥 鈥淩aise A Glass Appeal鈥 is a classic of the 鈥渃ause marketing鈥 genre, as it is known in ad-land).

Meanwhile, for just $2.25, you could download a mobile app for the mandatory 鈥淥ne Minute鈥檚 Silence鈥, which, in concept and price, is a bigger scam than bottled water.

Not to be outdone, Rupert Murdoch鈥檚 NewsCorp used the 2002 death of the last surviving Gallipoli veteran, Alec Campbell, to launch a sales promotion through a commemorative medallion available with the purchase of its newspapers. This scheme was, however, potentially embarrassing because Campbell, the last original Anzac, said on his deathbed: 鈥淔or God鈥檚 sake don鈥檛 glorify Gallipoli 鈥 it was a terrible fiasco, a total failure and best forgotten.鈥

This doesn鈥檛 exactly fit the official historical Anzac narrative.

Neither does it sentimentally venerate Anzac Day. Without the emotional propaganda pumped out by the Anzac Day industry, the militarist flame could sputter and dim. This would never do, because you never know when and where Australia and its allies may need to invade next in the quest for territory, resources and markets, or to counter (in Noam Chomsky鈥檚 words) the 鈥渢hreat of a good example鈥 from countries seeking independence or, worse, socialism.

This is what 鈥淎nzac鈥 is really all about 鈥 the use of war, in all its brutal rottenness, to stake out a piece of the global consumer capitalist action. Despite the sometimes awkward Anzac Day dance between military commemoration and commerce, the truth is that war and capitalism were made for each other.

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