
The told a committee reviewing the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in Vienna, Austria, that its main concern is the growing number of NPT signatories that are undermining the treaty.
鈥淣uclear sharing鈥澛爄s exacerbating nuclear risks and jeopardising international security聽 said on August 2. She cited Russia鈥檚 deployment of nuclear weapons to Belarus and the United States鈥 long-standing deployment of nuclear weapons in Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Turkey, with NATO support, as of great concern.
鈥淚f the concerned states parties fail to take prompt action to cease this practice, the NPT membership should decide by vote at the next review conference on the inadmissibility of nuclear sharing under the NPT.
鈥淭his practice runs counter to the fundamental tenets of the treaty and is a threat to the entire regime.鈥
Saar said that while NPT members have different opinions on nuclear sharing, the , which includes undertakings not to develop, test, produce, acquire, possess, stockpile, use or threaten to use nuclear weapons, 鈥渓eaves no room for doubt: nuclear sharing is expressly, absolutely prohibited鈥.
Saar criticised the 鈥渄ouble standards鈥 of some NPT state parties and quoted from the late South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who said: 鈥淲e must not tolerate a system of 鈥榥uclear apartheid鈥 in which it is considered legitimate for some states to possess nuclear arms but patently unacceptable for others to seek to acquire them.鈥
This is 鈥渘o basis for peace and security in the world鈥, Saar said.
The NPT preparatory committee started its 2-week meeting in Vienna聽on July 31. It is the before a full review of the treaty, scheduled for 2026.
The NPT, which came into force in 1970, was not only designed to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons: its goal was always to eliminate them altogether. Of the nine countries that possess nuclear weapons 鈥 Russia, United States, China, France, United Kingdom, Pakistan, India, Israel and North Korea 鈥 only five (US, Britain,聽China, Russia and France) have signed it.
The NPT aims to prevent nuclear weapons states from transferring 鈥減ossession or control to any recipient nuclear weapon or other nuclear explosive devices鈥 and to not 鈥渁ssist, encourage induce non-nuclear-weapon States to manufacture, acquire or control such weapons or devices鈥.
Australian governments insist that AUKUS does comply with the NPT and, on August 1, Labor鈥檚 representative told the 2023 that it remains 鈥渃ommitted鈥 to a world without nuclear weapons.
But anti-nuclear campaigners argue that Australia, the US and Britain are exploiting a loophole (paragraph 14) in the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement (CSA) which covers the use of nuclear materials.
Exploiting IAEA loophole
The 鈥渓oophole鈥 is that the nuclear material being used in the AUKUS submarines 聽because that international agency does not have to inspect nuclear material 鈥渘on-proscribed military purposes鈥.
For James M Acton, in in the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, this means: 鈥淭he efficacy of IAEA safeguards in preventing proliferation hinges on the willingness of the international community as a whole and of individual states to enforce the rules.鈥
that the use of naval nuclear vessel聽propulsion does not contravene the NPT, and it may become the first non-nuclear-weapon state to remove nuclear material from the IAEA inspection system. There are no automatic consequences for non-compliance (except referral to the United Nations Security Council, which is under no obligation to act).
For the NPT to work 鈥 that is, to prevent nuclear proliferation 鈥 it relies on non-nuclear weapon states, such as Australia, to declare all their nuclear materials and to then task the IAEA with verifying that none is being used to build nuclear weapons. These declarations and inspections are known as 鈥渟afeguards鈥.
聽also believes AUKUS sets a 鈥渞isky precedent鈥.
鈥淚t would become the first non-nuclear weapon state to be given this highly sensitive nuclear technology. And because, under the existing agreement, the uranium to be used is likely to be weapons-grade, the plan increases the risks to non-proliferation even further.鈥
Highly enriched uranium can be rapidly converted into a nuclear bomb and, while that is not easy to remove聽from a submarine, 鈥渢he possibility of diverting such material for weapons鈥 purposes cannot be ruled out鈥, ICAN said.
Australia is relying on the IAEA to maintain an聽 to support its interpretation of paragraph 14 of the IAEA safeguard agreements to allow for the nuclear-propelled AUKUS submarines.
But China is asking questions, including at the NPT preparatory committee meeting.
Li Chijiang, , told the meeting on August 2 that the AUKUS deal is 鈥渁 textbook example of nuclear proliferation鈥 and sets a bad precedent.
Bad precedent for non-proliferation
鈥淪uch move is not only a flagrant violation of the object and purpose of the NPT, but also poses a new challenge to the IAEA safeguards system and poses a serious threat to peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region.鈥
Chijiang called on the IAEA states and board of governors to ensure 鈥渁 reliable and effective arrangement for the AUKUS deal in favour of the NPT and non-proliferation regime鈥.
A was asked in April if the AUKUS agreement challenged the IAEA non-proliferation safeguard system. He said it did, adding that聽there is no international consensus on the definition of Article 14 of the CSA.
He said taking into account the IAEA鈥檚 鈥減revious practice of strengthening the safeguards system鈥, all IAEA states should be concerned and 鈥渁n intergovernmental process鈥 is needed to discuss it.
鈥淭hat is what it means to uphold true multilateralism. The three countries [Australia, Britain and the United States] and the IAEA Secretariat have no right to make interpretations of their own, still less strike a deal between themselves and impose it on the entire membership.鈥
奥丑别苍听 announced Labor鈥檚聽鈥渘uclear-powered submarine pathway鈥 on March 14, the it was happy with Australia鈥檚 approach. It added聽it had already been asked by foreign minister Penny Wong to 鈥渃ommence negotiations on an arrangement鈥 adding that Australia 鈥渉as also provided to the Agency preliminary design information related to this project鈥.
is that the AUKUS agreement coerces the IAEA Secretariat into making safeguards exemption arrangements with some countries and therefore weakens the overall nuclear safeguards system.
鈥淚t seriously compromises the authority of the IAEA, deals a blow to the Agency鈥檚 safeguards system and undermines the international community鈥檚 confidence in multilateralism,鈥 a Chinese Embassy spokesperson said.
鈥淒ue to US requirements [refusing to confirm or deny the presence of nuclear weapons] on the classification of technology and the whereabouts of nuclear submarines, it will be difficult for countries concerned to notify the Agency of the relevant information or accept its verification.
鈥淎s a result, the IAEA Secretariat can hardly achieve any effective safeguards arrangement in accordance with Article 14, nor is it able to carry out effective supervision of the nuclear material in Australia鈥檚 submarine nuclear propulsion reactors.
鈥淎rticle 14 therefore will lose its deterrence effect and not be able to effectively prevent nuclear proliferation risks.鈥
No wonder then that the Australian government representative is singing the IAEA鈥檚 praises at the NPT preparatory conference meeting. It not only pledged its 鈥渟teadfast support鈥 for the IAEA, it even talked up 鈥溾, something new for Labor.